For each country, we calculated year-over-year inflation rates going back to the first quarter of 2010 (except for Argentina, where no data was available before 2018) and ending in the third quarter of this year. We also calculated how much those rates had risen or fallen since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in the first quarter of 2020.
At least one thing is clear: A resurgent inflation rate is by no means solely a U.S. concern. A Pew Research Center analysis of data from 46 nations finds that the third-quarter 2021 inflation rate was higher in most of them (39) than in the pre-pandemic third quarter of 2019. In 16 of these countries, including the U.S., the inflation rate was more than 2 percentage points higher last quarter than in the same period of 2019. (For this analysis, we used data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, a group of mostly highly developed, democratic countries. The data covers the 38 OECD member nations, plus eight other economically significant countries.)
A few other countries have departed from the general dip-and-surge pattern. In Iceland and Russia, for instance, inflation has risen steadily throughout the pandemic, not just in more recent months. In Indonesia, inflation fell early on and has remained at low levels. In Mexico, the inflation rate fell slightly during the 2020 lockdown period but returned quickly, hitting 5.8% in the third quarter of 2021, the highest level since the fourth quarter of 2017. And in Saudi Arabia, the pattern was reversed: The inflation rate surged during the height of the pandemic but fell sharply in the most recent quarter, to just 0.4%.
The past few decades have witnessed the largest changes to the space establishment since the Cold War. Between Sputnik 1 and SpaceX Falcon 9, we have seen more nations establish their own defensive space commands, diversify their space technologies, and even demonstrate potentially destructive capabilities for the world to see.
To understand the future ahead, however, we need to consider the state of space governance now. Here, we outline the current legal systems which collectively comprise the global space governance system while critically identifying and explaining the deficiencies within those systems. In doing so, we will show possible paths to stronger global space governance to ensure the safety and sustainability of space for the future ahead.
In the 1960s, for example, increased public and private use of geosynchronous orbit (GEO) for telecommunications and other services gave rise to the need for an international regulatory system agreed upon by sovereign stakeholders. As a result, UNOOSA identified the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), originally established in 1865 to create international radio communication standards and tasked it with becoming the U.N.'s specialized agency for information and communication technologies. Through the implementation of radio regulations and regional agreements, the ITU ensures that radio-frequency spectrum and associated satellite orbits are used equitably, efficiently, and economically by states and prevents physical and electromagnetic interference in geosynchronous orbit. To achieve this, the ITU assigns GEO slots to U.N. Member states by considering orbital parameters (west or east degrees longitude), type of frequencies used, and covered regions (or footprint). From there, Member states look to national regulations to license their use of assigned GEO slots. Another responsibility of UNOOSA was establishing the International Asteroid Warning Network (IAWN) and the Space Mission Planning Advisory Group (SMPAG) in 2013 to coordinate global efforts to identify and respond to Near-Earth Objects (namely, asteroids) that threaten Earth.
In response to recent failures to advance international agreements, the development of national space policies is on the rise. Take the U.S., for example, whose concerted government-wide efforts to refocus its attention on space led to the creation of a new National Space Policy, as well as a series of Space Policy Directives, which outline and provide rules of the road for American space activities in the wake of pressing international challenges. These documents cover our human space exploration program (SPD-1); commercial space regulations (SPD-2); national space traffic management (SPD-3); the creation of the Space Force (SPD-4); cybersecurity in space (SPD-5); and space nuclear power and propulsion (SPD-6). With the addition of the U.S.-led Artemis Accords, these documents taken together are a means to establishing modern customary international law and norms of behavior beyond the Cold War-era provisions of the foundational U.N. space treaties.
The preference to develop domestic policies over international agreements reflects both the emerging value of commercial space and the stagnation of international space governance. The U.S. and Russia stand apart from other nations, as they have the most robust set of national laws and regulatory organizations designed with international space commitments in mind. But among the 28 nations with domestic space policies, there is little policy convergence.
Space has unquestionably undergone some significant changes since the turn of the century and therefore, so has its threat landscape. Although space was once seen as a peaceful sanctuary for scientific purposes, it has become the new playing arena for great power competition between the U.S., Russia, and China. Besides the superpowers, there are now a greater number of nations and non-state actors partaking in space activities and the role of commercial actors in space is becoming more considerable by the day. Although the privatization of space has so-far proven to be primarily a Western phenomenon, nations around the world are beginning to adopt the public-private partnership model and will continue to follow suit. As such, since an increasingly democratized and more accessible space will inevitably bring with it more man-made threats and challenges to space sustainability, the current system of space governance will need to be strengthened to effectively deal with near-future challenges.
Disasters, whether from natural hazards or man-made, cost lives and livelihoods. The immediate spending needed for response and reconstruction is compounded by a weakened economy, damaged infrastructure, destroyed businesses, reduced tax revenues and a rise in poverty levels.
In bringing resilience to scale, it is also important to ensure that no one is left behind. Gender equality and inclusive DRM are cross-cutting priorities for GFDRR, helping World Bank support governments to engage and empower the most vulnerable such as women and girls, the elderly, and persons with disabilities. Another cross-cutting priority for GFDRR is analyzing the interlinkages between fragility, conflict, climate, and disaster risks; and finding tailored solutions for an increasing number of disaster-prone countries which are simultaneously affected by protracted crises associated with fragility, conflict, and violence.
Players are also rewarded for picking characters with shared histories, backgrounds or traits in the same group. These are known as Appeal Combinations and multiply the Friendship Points earned. A few examples are below.
WASHINGTON -- FEMA Administrator Deanne Criswell announced today that additional disaster funding is available to all states, tribal nations and territories with Presidential major disaster and emergency declarations occurring in 2020 and 2021. 2b1af7f3a8